There is no unity without struggle. According to the revisionists, unity is achieved through consensus. For them,, “two fuse into one”, and not “one divides into two”. What predominates in their opinion is unity based on no principles, unity without any solid foundations. The struggle of opposites within the same unit belongs to the law of motion, the sole producer of material of organic, social, economic and political life.
Political unity is achieved through a slow, progressive ideological ruthless struggle. Such struggle must be first an internal struggle which allows the party to progress and develop through ideological two-line struggle. Such struggle is inescapable! Denying it means denying reality. When the struggle cannot be fought inside the party either because there in no party yet, this struggle must be led on the basis of Maoism and the principles in the different and dispersed organisations, without reversing the order of priorities.
The first is the building of the party and its generated organs on the basis of preparing conditions for People’s War or through it when People’s War has already been activated..
The point is, through such struggle to reinforce the communists’ unity in each separate country, to strengthen the unity in the communist movement, by reviving the RIM with new forces in each country and all aver the world and conduct the communist movement to lead a more and more massive offensive against capitalism.
Ideological struggle is not a battle led by all against all, in fact the two lines struggle is the struggle against the
conciliators, gravediggers of communism and revolution.
Marxism-Leninism Maoism is the criterion of the unity of the communists
Before the death of Comrade Mao zedong, the communists regarded Mao Zedong as a communist who had applied Marxism-leninism to the specific conditions of China.
Consequently, they used Mao zedong thought as a reference when Mao took up the struggle against Khrushchev’s modern revisionism. The former RIM (Internationalist Revolutionary Movement) had been virtually liquidated after the death of Mao Zedong. The Maoists formed the RIM (Revolutionary Internationalist Movement) on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. The Communist Party of Peru, a member of the RIM, who had started the People’s War in 1984, defined Maoism as the third milestone of Marxism.
THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF MAOISM
Military theory : People’s War
People’s War is the military theory of the proletariat. I has become a theory comprising the whole theoretical and practical experience gained through the struggles led by the proletariat (military actions, guerrilla warfare, military actions and wars waged by the proletariat, peasants’ war, national liberation wars and resistance led by the proletariat). In the oppressed countries, in China where Chairman Mao has synthesized it as a repetition of the peasant war, the war is led by the proletariat with a strategy of seizing power.
President Mao defined the People’s War as the universal means of our time, the only way to gain power. While Maoism was recognized by the RIM and those who claim of Maoism, the question of the universality of the People’s War was not yet universally adopted. Another argument which is not unanimously accepted in our movement is modern fascism.
The law of contradiction is the unique and fundamental law of dialectical materialism,. Dialectical materialism has been brilliantly synthesized by Mao in “On Contradiction”, that must be studied jointly with “On Practice” . Mao also explained that in the class struggle, the contradictions among the people must be dealt with differently from those with the enemy.
Marxist Political Economy
poiché la politica è l’espressione concentrata dell’economia essa deve essere “al posto di comando”, il potere politico può allora sviluppare le forze produttive su una nuova base. Le forze produttive inglobano i mezzi di produzione (miniere, terre, foreste, fabbriche, uffici, ecc.) e la forza lavoro manuale e intellettuale. Il progresso materiale ottenuto con la volontà politica è legato alla trasformazione dei rapporti complessi in seno alla forza lavoro che si trasforma attraverso la lotta di classe, attraverso l’elevazione cosciente. Il contributo essenziale di Mao porta sul fatto dello sviluppo del socialismo: “prendere l’agricoltura come base e l’industria come fattore dominante”. Il ruolo centrale tocca all’industria pesante (in particolare il settore delle macchine utensili, senza dimenticare l’industria leggera e l’agricoltura. Lo sviluppo dei tre settori deve essere equilibrato. È in questo senso che devono essere analizzati il Grande Balzo in Avanti e la costruzione della Comune Popolare.
The continuation of class struggle under socialism
The process of the restoration of capitalism in modern revisionism has confirmed Lenin’s thesis that during the dictatorship of the proletariat, class struggle continues just as fiercely. The remnants from the ancient classes or petty production are not the only ones to be blamed. At all levels of the party and the State new bourgeois elements arise who dream and work for capitalist restoration. They spin new networks in all the fields of material and intellectual production and lead a sabotage work in the economical, political and ideological fields.; they even spin webs in the armed forces. Taking advantage of errors in the Great Leap Forward, they attack the essence of the People’s Communes in order to dismantle or reduce their structure and scope. Here we find the reason why the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution was launched, revolution led by the proletariat against the Headquarters of counter-revolution.
“Though it has been overthrown the bourgeoisie tries to corrupt the masses and conquer their hearts through ancient ways of thinking, ancient manners and customs in order to restore capitalism…we aim at fighting and crushing the officials involved in the capitalist road, criticizing the reactionary bourgeois academic “authorities” and all other exploiting classes and reforming the educative system, literature, art and all other branches of the superstructure that do not correspond to the economic base of socialism, this is to help consolidate and develop the socialist system”
(Communist Party of China, Decision on the great cultural proletarian revolution, 1966)
The Great Proletarian Revolution is a first step in the development of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the strengthening of its state power embodied in the revolutionary committees.
The restoration of capitalism shows the predictive accuracy of Mao who explained that it would take several
cultural revolutions to definitely consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat and create conditions for transition to communism.
New democracy and dictatorship of proletariat
In the era of imperialism, there are two types of countries: the imperialist countries (Europe, North America, Japan) and the oppressed countries.
In the imperialist countries, there will be no need for the joint dictatorship of the working class and peasantry or the national bourgeoisie.
In the second, the joint dictatorship of several classes under the leadership of the proletariat and its party is the first step starting in the base areas, the liberated areas and extends to the whole country throughout the protracted People’s War. It passes in a continuous movement to socialist revolution.
The joint dictatorship of the proletariat is necessary because in the oppressed countries there exists a comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie linked to imperialism and another oppressed by it and imperialism. There are some remnants of several forms of semi-feudal exploitation of the peasantry who constitute the majority or a strong minority of the population, an important part of the population reduced to a sort of lumpen-proletariat condition, with a very low standard of development and living. Then, even though the proletariat must lead the revolutionary process, the class interests of the peasantry and national bourgeoisie must be taken into account (opposed to imperialism and its lackeys) until this step becomes obsolete and the building of socialism can move onward.
THE THREE INSTRUMENTS OF THE REVOLUTION
The Party is necessary to make the revolution. The Party is built through the fight of two lines between the proletarian line and the non-proletarian line. The objective of the Party is to take power and defend it. Such objective cannot be achieved without people’s war. The Party once established grows and develops through different steps. Ideological struggle is the engine of the party that allows adjustments of the line and tactics. It leads to campaigns to rectify and make adjustments of the system of organizations generated by the party, that are also useful for the settling of the power of the proletariat in the process of protracted people’s war.
The revolutionary army
An army is necessary to perform the tasks established by the political party to serve the interests of the proletariat. The revolutionary armed struggle is productive in order not to be a parasite load and mobilize the masses. The revolutionary army is the army of the people who participate extensively. The party commands the gun in this army of a new type; it must lead to the arming of the people and a mass army.
The United Front
All the proletariat, the peasantry, all progressive people are not in the party nor in the revolutionary army. So, we need a front based upon the workers- peasants alliance involving all sections of the people under the leadership of the proletariat. The composition of the united front is different at each stage of the revolution in a specific country, same thing on the world level.
CONTRADICTIONS WITHIN THE RIM AND THE MOVEMENT THAT CLAIMS TO BE MAOIST
Today, parties, organisations, groups and even individual claiming to be Marxist-Leninist Maoists are dispersed and divided in each country and internationally. We must be aware of such situation to lead the struggle for unity in each country. It is even more important to revive the communists’ unity on the basis of what exists really.
It must be acknowledged that there are deep contradictions between the parties and organisations that are part of the RIM.
On People’s War
Some members of parties and organisations do recognize the universality of Maoism but deny the universal nature of people’s war because it has not been defined by Mao.
They stick to the thesis that:
- People’s wars can take only place in countries where the oppressed peasantry is important, where vast areas are not accessible because the means of communication are few and insufficiently developed etc.
- In the imperialist countries such conditions do not exist. For these comrades, although they recognize the universality of Maoism, they ignore one part of it and choose the Leninist theory of insurrection without allowing for the enrichment provided by Maoism. They truncate Marxism and an essential element of the military theory supplemented by Mao.
Other parties members of the RIM recognize the universality of the people’s war. Among the parties (including the PCMF), some organisations or groups or individuals (no RIM members) recognize the universality of the people’s war, others oppose it.
Conclusion : on this issue and others there is no unity.
The struggle of two lines on this issue, goes through the RIM and therefore through the whole movement and beyond. It is part of the ideological struggle to revive the RIM on one hand, and prepare for the gathering of Maoists all over the world on the other hand, what will be a leap forward in the development of the Internationalist Communist Movement and encouragement in the formation of Maoist communist parties in each country.
On the Issue of Democracy in the Twenty-first Century
This thesis after the communist party of Nepal (Maoist) is erroneous, revisionist for most parties and organisations inside or outside the RIM. Those who take this approach actually seem to sink into a bottomless quagmire. This practice has put this theory to the test of reality.
It was already dangerous, without any concrete achievements, to decree a theory as universal, without a shred of evidence of its effectiveness, whereas all the past practice of the communist movement has shown the hollowness of such thesis.
Within and outside the RIM, though all political parties and organisations today .have agreed on the above estimate of this thesis, the practical attitude towards it is not the same for all parties and organisations.
Some have immediately denounced the violation of principles, the cessation of armed struggle, the containment of weapons in depots supervised by the UNO, the alliance with the seven parties, the use of elections (almost 40%of votes for Maoists), Prachanda’s election as prime minister, the anaesthesia of the People’s Communes in the liberated areas, and the establishment of democratic town councils, the decision by the President of the Republic to maintain the Commander in chief in his office. The resignation of Prachanda, the mobilisation of masses in waves to “prepare” an insurgency seem to recede whereas the reaction is preparing things just in case of a one year extension of the constitution which was initially scheduled at the end of may. All this comfort those who have criticized and denounced such an unprecedented approach. Was it right to try? It may appear, in case of failure of the process that such approach was just impossible.
Other people have also denounced the claim to universality of this approach when there is no evidence of its practical achievement. They have pointed the dangerous nature of a process which had already failed several times in history to the great misfortune of the people. But they have never abandoned their critical and sceptical support to the CPN(m) though warning them against the real dangers.
Ultimately, on this issue, it seems that the thesis on democracy in the twenty-fist century has been unanimously denounced as a revisionist thesis.
On the question of its “experimental”, dangerous and risky application, opinions are divided as to whether it could be argued with great care and reserve that such an attempt was worthwhile to be made. The problem to be discussed and deepened on this kind of issue is how tactics and strategy must be linked together.
On Modern Fascism
“Everything changes” “nothing is immutable”. Such reality can be observed in everything. But there are always two different ways of understanding things and phenomena. One way is to consider things as rigid and unmovable and the other to consider them in their mobility and transformation according to a given context. Some of them, on the issue of fascism, stick to Dimitrov’s report at the Seventh Congress of the Communist International Movement. Such report was elaborated in a specific situation that has nothing to do with the current situation. We will not say more on the subject since another comrade is due to report on it.
Our purpose is, once again, just to enforce the point that there are two lines within and outside the RIM. The ancient line and the present one.
Mao tse Dong’s line took some time to win, just before taking power in 1947, when the Seventh CPC National Congress decided that the basis was Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong’s Thought. In the 50s, mao zedong’s thought was adopted by the CCP and the Marxist-Leninists of the world. It was the PCP who said that Maoism was a step above Marxism and that the ideology that should now guide the communist international movement was Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The PCP agreed with this after the initiation of the People’s War in Peru in 1980. In 1984, the creation of the RIM, a step forward on the way to the reconstruction of the Communist International, its platform still referred to maozedong thought. It was the internal line struggle that led, ten years later, to adopt Marxism-Leninism- Maoism as a universal ideology.
Time is short because imperialism goes through a deep crisis. The bourgeoisie has increasing needs for police states, for a new form of fascism, in anticipation of massive revolts that will inevitably grow and extend. But when there is no party, no revolutionary ideology, no revolutionary perspectives , they will inevitably be repressed and even crushed in blood. Oppressed peoples will go on being plundered, even more so than before by the imperialist countries joined by the emerging countries (Social-fascist China, expansionist India and Brazil), the competition for new markets may lead to a Third World War. Dictatorships get reinforced and, in the very heart of imperialist countries, we are witnesses of the birth of neo-fascist and neo-nazi movements.
The RIM is in crisis. The fight must be waged by the Maoist parties members of the RIM. Meanwhile, parties, groups and organisations claiming Maoism but not members of the RIM, must lead the struggle for the reconstruction of Maoist parties in all countries and thus contribute to reinforce unity within the RIM and the International Communist Movement. This is increasingly necessary because the masses who have been plunged into confusion by the revisionists, the Trotskyites, the opportunists and liquidators of all kinds need real communist parties and a stronger and stronger Communist Movement.